Tuesday 6 September 2016

Ban or Regulate? Commercial Surrogacy in India

Introduction
The Ministry of Health in India has recently announced that the Government of India proposes to ban surrogacy for commercial purposes.[i] Only altruistic surrogacy will be permitted where the surrogate mother is a “close relative” of the intending parents. Further, surrogacy will be permitted only to Indian citizens residing in India; Non Resident Indians and persons holding Persons of Indian Origin (PIO) cards have been excluded. Given the nature of the transactions in the surrogacy market, Government intervention in the market was, indeed, required since, at the moment, the only guidelines available are those of the Indian Council of Medical Research.[ii] However, these guidelines have not been codified into law and, hence, are not legally enforceable.
There are various reasons why commercial surrogacy has come under a cloud and these are probably the reason why the Government of India proposes to ban it. These reasons are related to the interests and welfare of the surrogate mother (SM), the intended parents (IP) and the unborn child.[iii] I would like to focus on the issues related to the SM. The main fears are: (1) exploitation by third parties, (2) lack of fully-informed consent and (3) threats to the mother's mental and physical health during and after the pregnancy. Each of these issues is important and needs careful examination. The question also needs to be asked whether the proposed ban on commercial surrogacy will alleviate or exacerbate these concerns. In addition, there are concerns about commodification of women (akin to prostitution), baby-selling and similarity with organ sales. I will not touch on these but direct the reader to Richard Posner[iv] and Aristides Hatzis[v] who effectively demolish these arguments against surrogacy.
Exploitation
The exploitation argument needs to be considered seriously. A particularly strong critique of the Indian surrogacy market on this ground comes from Kristine Schanbacher who believes that the market completely fails to uphold the principles of medical ethics.[vi] In the surrogacy market, the potential SM enters into a transaction with the IP. Economics states that any market transaction that that is completed necessarily leads to an improvement in welfare. The buyer believes that (s)he has received more in value than has been paid for the product or service and the seller earns more than it has cost to produce the product or service. An important condition for the improvement in welfare is that both parties participate in the transaction voluntarily; absent this and the transaction is nothing but exploitation and theft. We have to ask the question whether the SM enters the transaction as an independent economic agent, freely pursuing her own interests or is she coerced into the transaction. This coercion may take place either due to pressures from the IPs but, more likely, due to pressures from the agency managing the surrogacy. More insidiously, exploitation may occur due to the economic circumstances of the SM and, hence, her weaker bargaining position relative to the wealthier IPs.[vii] The lure of compensation, relative to the income of the SM, may “force” her into the transaction. Countries which have banned commercial surrogacy have taken the paternalistic position of protecting SMs from such exploitation, e.g. Canada and the UK (altruistic surrogacy only), and Greece (no compensation beyond out of pocket expenses).[viii] With opportunities for surrogacy shrinking elsewhere in the world, the $400 million Indian market[ix],[x] will likely only expand further.
Let us explore the economic status of the women who agree to be SMs. There isn’t a large sample study in this area of research, possibly because the nature of information sought precludes the possibility of carrying our large surveys. Most researchers have recorded oral histories of SMs.[xi],[xii] Amrita Pande’s study reports that the median (monthly) income of the families of SMs was Rs. 2500. She writes “If we compare that to the official poverty line in India, 34 of my 42 interviewees reported family incomes below or around the poverty line”.[xiii] Further, “the money earned through surrogacy was equivalent to almost five years of total family income especially since many of the SMs had husbands who were either in informal contract work or unemployed”.[xiv] Sheela Sarvanan also finds economic distress as an important reason that motivates potential SM.[xv] This quote from an SM in Sarvanan’s study will cause anguish to any sensitive individual “This process is so distressing that I would not have done it even if someone paid me 10 times the remuneration, had I been well-off, but I am so desperate (for money) that I would do it even if I was paid just one third the amount”.[xvi]

Clearly, SMs belong to vulnerable sections of the population and, even if they were not coerced by anyone, their economic status might have compelled them to enter the transaction. The question we have to ask is whether it is just surrogacy that they would have avoided if their economic circumstances were better. There exist many occupations – sweepers, scavengers (removal of excreta from pit latrines, though illegal, still takes place in India), and maids among others – that individuals would not do if better opportunities were open to them. Such jobs are necessarily taken up by those who lack educational qualifications or alternative employment opportunities. How many households in India have ever employed maids who had a college degree and could have easily found white-collar employment? Accidents of birth, lack of opportunities and poor choices trap individuals in many occupations that they would rather not take up. Surrogacy is no different from such occupations.

While I am convinced that economic circumstances motivate women to act as SMs, surprisingly, only a small minority reported that to be the case. Vasanti Jadva and others report that only one out of the 39 women interviewed by them stated that monetary compensation was a motivating factor, while 91% wished to help a childless couple.[xvii],[xviii] Should one believe that compassion trumps economic motivation for the respondents in the study? A more plausible motivation for entering into a surrogacy contract comes from a quote by an SM in Pande’s study: “I don’t think there is anything wrong with surrogacy. We need the money and they need the child. The important thing is that I am not doing anything wrong for the money—not stealing or killing anyone. And I am not sleeping with anyone”.[xix] Two conjectures may be made on the basis of the studies that have been carried out: One, while money is important, it may not be the sole motivating factor; two, the women seem to be exercising their choice and entering into surrogacy, viewing it as mutually beneficial transaction while being convinced about the moral correctness of their choice.

Informed Consent
Making meaningful, informed economic decisions must be distinguished from giving informed consent for surrogacy. The latter lies within the realm of the law and requires that potential SMs have the ability to understand complex legal documents. The very characteristics of the parties to the transaction brings into the picture asymmetries in the availability of information and in the abilities to process such information. The first barrier to this is the educational levels of the SMs. Pande reports that, barring one, none of her respondents had education beyond the school level and, at least, a few were illiterate: “The SMs have to sign a consent form that talks about their rights in the surrogacy contract but the form is in English, a language almost none of the SMs can read”.[xx] In these circumstances, it is very likely that the IPs and the agency managing the surrogacy would have superior education and economic resources which might be used to manipulate contractual provisions against the interests of the SMs.

Mental and Physical Health of SMs
Getting the SMs ready for pregnancy involves strong medical interventions and the “side effects of these medications can include hot flashes, mood swings, headaches, bloating, vaginal spotting, uterine cramping, breast fullness, light headedness and vaginal irritation”.[xxi] Probably, none of the SMs are fully aware of the extent of the medical interventions and their side effects, placing their faith in the doctor who deals with them.
 Ban versus Better Regulations
Having discussed the important issues related to surrogacy, the question that must be answered is whether banning surrogacy will protect potential SMs from exploitation? The problem with banning is that the activity being banned is, generally, forced underground. So long as there is value in a transaction, a ban will not extinguish this value and an illegal market will emerge to exploit the value of the banned transaction. In an imaginary world, one could claim that perfect policing and perfect enforcement would ensure that illegal surrogacy markets cease to exist.  But, in the real world, one cannot repose such faith in the omniscience and omnipotence of the regulatory State. If this were, indeed, true, illicit markets for alcohol would have long disappeared in the Indian states which have introduced prohibition. A ban on surrogacy markets will likely face a similar fate and it requires little imagination to realise that the interests and welfare of SMs will be even more threatened in the banned markets.
The alternative to banning is more effective regulation. Will better regulations protect the interests of all parties to the transaction, especially the SMs and the IPs?  Even with a well-established regulatory framework, it must be remembered that incompleteness of contracts could impose severe hardships on SMs and even IPs. Incompleteness of contracts refers to the inability to foresee all contingencies that may arise in a transaction as well as to specify the action that each party must take in each possible contingency. This inability arises out of the bounded rationality[xxii] [xxiii] of the parties to the contract. Problems arising out of the incompleteness of contracts are exemplified by a few well-known cases, for example, the case of baby Manjhi;[xxiv] the case of Baby M;[xxv] and the case of the baby with disabilities.[xxvi] In addition, one must guard against opportunism – such as lying, cheating as well as incomplete or distorted disclosure of information – as one more obstacle to writing complete contracts. All of these manifestations of opportunism are likely to be present in the transaction that a SM would have to enter into. Guarding against such incomplete contracts and providing succour to aggrieved parties would be better served, not by banning surrogacy markets, but through remedial action available under better regulation.
 Summing Up
Despite all the problems and disadvantages that might be faced by the SMs in the surrogacy market, I view banning surrogacy as an instance of the government abdicating its responsibilities towards Indian SMs and leaving them to fend for themselves in the underground market that will inevitably emerge. What should the government do in such a situation? Here are a few preliminary thoughts for regulating the surrogacy market:
·         The government, with all the legal resources at its command, must draw up a model surrogacy contract that must be used in every surrogacy contract. Given the problems with writing complete contracts, such a model contract may also be incomplete but, at least, not willfully so.
·         A minimum payment must be determined for the SM. The entire payment from the IPs must be placed in an escrow account at the time of signing the contract.
·         Given the widely-touted spread of the Jan Dhan Yojana[xxvii], money in the escrow account should be transferred, as per a predetermined schedule, to the SMs bank account with the final payment being made after the handover of the baby.
·         Details of the SM should be linked to her  Aadhar Card[xxviii] which should include all relevant details, especially about previous surrogacies.


Endnotes


[i] Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India: https://twitter.com/MoHFW_INDIA?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor
[ii] ICMR (2005) “National Guidelines for Accreditation, Supervision & Regulation of ART Clinics in India”, http://icmr.nic.in/art/art_clinics.htm (accessed 3 September).
[iii] Jennifer Rimm (2009) “Booming Baby Business: Regulating Commercial Surrogacy in India” http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1837&context=jil (accessed 1 September 2016)
[iv] Richard Posner (1989) “The Ethics and Economics of Enforcing Contracts of Surrogate Motherhood”, http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2809&context=journal_articles (accessed 1 September 2016).
[v] Aristides Hatzis “'Just the Oven': A Law & Economics Approach to Gestational Surrogacy Contracts” http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=381621 (accessed 1 September 2016).
[vi] Kristine Schanbacher (2014) “India's Gestational Surrogacy Market: An Exploitation of Poor, Uneducated Women”, Hastings Women’s Law Journal, Vol. 25 (2), http://repository.uchastings.edu/hwlj/vol25/iss2/5/ (accessed 3 September 2013)
[vii] Jennifer Rimm (2009) p. 1444
[viii] “Surrogacy by Country”, http://www.familiesthrusurrogacy.com/surrogacy-by-country/ (accessed 1 September 2016)
[ix] Nita Bhalla and Mansi Thapliyal (2013) “Foreigners Are Flocking To India To Rent Wombs And Grow Surrogate Babies”, http://www.businessinsider.com/india-surrogate-mother-industry-2013-9 (accessed 1 September 2016)
[x] For an alternative estimate, see Ritika Mukherjee (2015) “The Baby Business: A Study on Indian Market of Commercial Surrogacy and Its Implications”, http://paa2015.princeton.edu/abstracts/152404 (accessed 1 September 2016)
[xi] Amrita Pande (2009) “Not an ‘Angel’, not a ‘Whore’: Surrogates as ‘Dirty’ Workers in India”, Indian Journal of Gender Studies, Volume 16 (141), http://ijg.sagepub.com/content/16/2/141.short?rss=1&ssource=mfc (accessed 1 September 2016)
[xii] Vasanti Jadva and others (2003) “Surrogacy: the experiences of surrogate mothers”, Human Reproduction Vol.18, No.10, http://humrep.oxfordjournals.org/content/18/10/2196.full.pdf+html  (accessed 1 September 2016)
[xiii] Amrita Pande (2009) page 150
[xiv] Amrita Pande (2009) page 150
[xv] Sheela Sarvanan (2013) “An ethnomethodological approach to examine  exploitation in the context of capacity, trust and experience of commercial surrogacy in India”, Philosophy, Ethics, and Humanities in Medicine, Vol.  8(10), https://peh-med.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/1747-5341-8-10 (accessed  3 September 2016)
[xvi] Sheela Sarvanan (2013) page 6.
[xvii] Vasanti Jadva and others (2003), Table II.
[xviii] See also Susan Imrie and Vasanti Jadva (2014) “The long-term experiences of surrogates: relationships and contact with surrogacy families in genetic and gestational surrogacy arrangements”, Reproductive Biomedicine Online,  Vol. 29 (4), http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1472648314003538 (accesses 4 September 2014)
[xix] Amrita Pande (2009), page 157; emphasis in the original
[xx] Amrita Pande (2009), page 147
[xxi] Amrita Pande (2009), page 147.
[xxii] Oliver Williamson (1985): The Economic Institutions of Capitalism. Free Press: New York.
[xxiii] Milgrom, P and J Roberts (1992): Economics, Organisation, and Management, Prentice-Hall: Englewood Cliffs, NJ.
[xxiv] Sara Sidner (2008) “Surrogate baby stuck in legal limbo” , http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/12/surrogate.baby/index.html?iref=24hours (accessed 3 September 2016)
[xxv] Richard Posner (1989)
[xxvi] Harry Aslop (2013) “US surrogate mother Crystal Kelley flees after baby's parents order her to abort foetus”, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/usa/9910263/US-surrogate-mother-Crystal-Kelley-flees-after-babys-parents-order-her-to-abort-foetus.html (accessed 3 September 2016)
[xxvii] Prime Minister’s Jan Dhan Yojana is designed to provide all households, urban and rural, to gain easy and universal access to financial services including banking, http://www.pmjdy.gov.in/ (accessed 3 September 2016)
[xxviii] Aadhar Card is designed to provide a unique identification number to every Indian, https://uidai.gov.in/ (accessed 3 September 2016)